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How a 'Third-Tier' Candidate
Wins the Primary
Kathryn Muratore
Lew
Rockwell.com
Friday November 9, 2007
Ron Paul's record fund-raising on Monday got me thinking about
what the media polls say about his chances of getting the GOP
nomination. Clearly, Ron Paul supporters are more motivated than
any of the other candidates' – this is a direct consequence
of a successful grassroots campaign since it relies on volunteers
who choose to actively participate. Historically, primaries are
a non-starter for political action: voter turnout rates are typically
around 10% of registered voters for the relevant party. So can
the combination of a successful grassroots campaign and general
ambivalence at the polls make for a successful nomination run?
I crunched the numbers and I was surprised to learn that the answer
is: Yes.
A caveat
Before I tell you how I arrived at that conclusion, I want to
address one of the many potential complications in my analysis.
Paul supporters are enthusiastic, but a subset of them, including
regular readers of this website, are philosophically opposed to
taking part in the political process in this country; i.e., they
don't vote, not because they don't care, but because they choose
not to. There are different motivations for this position, which
are not the subject of this analysis and have been written about
at length. I am uncertain about what fraction of registered vs.
unregistered voters the non-voting block makes up (based on voter
turnout for Presidential elections, it must be less than 50% of
all registered voters) and, furthermore, I am uncertain about
what fraction of the donors on Monday are opposed to voting.
(Article continues below)
What is relevant to this article is that Paul's candidacy is
not about Ron Paul the person, but about the message of freedom,
liberty, and peace. Because Ron Paul is having a somewhat successful
run for President, this message is getting heard more than it
ever has before. (Disclaimer: I say "somewhat" because
of the third-tier press, debate and media poll attention; "successful"
because of the positive attention due to talk shows, internet
blogs, text-messaging polls, and fundraising.) How often do you
hear someone on Jay Leno bring up Austrian Economics? To my knowledge,
this has happened precisely once in the history of the Tonight
Show.
To that end, who cares if he wins the election: let's keep him
in the public eye for as long as possible so that this message
can get voiced over and over. If he loses the nomination, this
message will fade quickly starting early next spring. So there
may be a loophole for those who are philosophically opposed to
voting, but are believers of freedom, liberty, and peace. If Ron
Paul wins the nomination, the message will be heard for at least
another 362 days.
Data sources and reasoning
I am using the most recent CNN poll as a starting point, and
I argue that Ron Paul (or any other candidate with strong grassroots
support) does actually have a very reasonable shot at getting
nominated. It seems that this is particularly possible because
of 1) the large field of participants (there are 8 now that Brownback
dropped out) and 2) no clear front-runner with a large base of
support (Giuliani has 28% in the CNN poll). This poll is the most
optimistic media poll for Ron Paul (5%) so far, but I don't think
it's outrageously optimistic. Another recent poll by USA Today
is less optimistic for Paul (1%), which does imply that it's extremely
unlikely for Paul to win the nomination.
Media polls employ different methods, but they all report the
responses of "likely voters." I am no expert, but there
is a very thorough analysis of polling methodology and it seems
that the likely voters in the CNN poll may just be those that
voted in the last primary (6.6% of registered Republicans). That
was a GOP re-election year, so for this calculation, I'll use
a voter turnout based on the 1996 election: 8.2%. (I couldn't
find an overall turnout for '98 or '00.)
So, now that I have the numbers, there are just a couple more
assumptions, which, I think, are conservative but are still somewhat
arbitrary.
- The CNN poll is a real pulse of registered Republican sentiment.
What goes for the 6.6% "likely voters" goes for all
registered Republicans.
- Ron Paul's supporters are more motivated than the other candidates
and will vote in proportionately higher numbers. I assume that
50% of Ron Paul supporters will vote in the Republican primary.
That is, 8.2% of Giuliani's supporters will vote. 8.2% of Romney's
supporters will vote. Etc..., but 50% of Paul's supporters will
vote.
And the winner is...
In this calculation, the assumption that Paul supporters turn
out in proportionally greater numbers means that the total number
of voters increases slightly, from 8.2% to 10.7%, while Paul's
share of the votes increases disproportionately, from 5% to 23%.
Also, since the extra 2.1% turnout will exclusively vote for Ron
Paul, the other candidate's take will decrease, i.e. Giuliani
goes from 28% in the media poll to 21% in my theoretical primary.
| ` |
media
poll |
additional Paul supporters |
total |
` |
| #
voters |
82,000
|
20,900
|
107,000
|
(per
1,000,000) |
| %
turnout |
8.2%
|
2.1%
|
10.7%
|
` |
%
turnout for Paul: 50% % turnout
for others: 8.2%
| ` |
media
poll % |
poll
votes per million |
#
supporters per million |
est.
votes per million |
est.
final vote % |
| Giuliani
|
28%
|
22,960 |
280,000 |
22,960 |
21%
|
| Thompson
|
19%
|
15,580 |
190,000 |
15,580 |
15%
|
| McCain
|
16%
|
13,120 |
160,000 |
13,120 |
12%
|
| Romney
|
11%
|
9,020 |
110,000 |
9,020 |
8%
|
| Huckabee
|
10%
|
8,200 |
100,000 |
8,200 |
8%
|
| Paul
|
5%
|
4,100 |
50,000 |
25,000 |
23%
|
| Hunter
|
4%
|
3,280 |
40,000 |
3,280 |
3%
|
| Tancredo
|
3%
|
2,460 |
30,000 |
2,460 |
2%
|
| No
opinion |
5%
|
4,100 |
50,000 |
4,100 |
4%
|
| Total |
100% |
82,000 |
1,000,000 |
107,000 |
100% |
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INFOWARS:
BECAUSE THERE'S A WAR ON FOR YOUR MIND
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